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The facts are beyond dispute. Blacks in every state are far more likely to be arrested for marijuana use
than whites. They are more likely to be convicted, sentenced and serve
jail time for marijuana possession. States spend a staggering near 4
billion dollars on enforcing the marijuana possession laws. At the same
time, a majority of Americans now favor either decriminalizing or
legalizing marijuana use. But the laws are still on the books in most
states, and the federal government won’t budge in softening its stance
on marijuana possession enforcement.
The price of federal intransigence, the state’s wild spending spree
on enforcement, and the grotesque and glaring racial bias in the arrests
and jailing for marijuana possession is that communities of color
suffer the most. They suffer in terms of the imprisonment disparities,
the criminalization and voter disenfranchisement of thousands of drug
offenders, their loss of jobs and income from the arrests, the further
destabilization of black families, and the deepening impoverishment of
their communities.
The answer is and always has been two-fold. One legalize the drug, and invest the billions of tax dollars squandered on enforcement in job, skills, training, education, family support and neighborhood services programs in poor black and Hispanic communities.
The answer is and always has been two-fold. One legalize the drug, and invest the billions of tax dollars squandered on enforcement in job, skills, training, education, family support and neighborhood services programs in poor black and Hispanic communities.
However, to
push and prod state governments and the feds to change their mindset on
drug use, and enforcement, and to re-channel the massive public
resources blown on wasteful, fruitless arrests and jailing’s for
marijuana and drug possession, one thing must come first. That’s to
examine why the drug war started and continues.
More than 50 percent of those that are prosecuted
in federal courts for drug possession and sale are given stiff
mandatory sentences are blacks. Federal prosecutors and lawmakers in the
past and some at present still justify the disparity with the retort
that these drugs are dangerous and threatening, and lead to waves of
gang shoot-outs, turf battles, and thousands of terrorized residents in
poor black communities.
The majority, however, of those who deal and use drugs aren’t violent
prone gang members, but poor, and increasingly female, young blacks.
They clearly need treatment not long prison stretches. The big
difference is that the top-heavy drug use by young whites — and the
crime and violence that go with it — has never stirred any public outcry
for mass arrests, prosecutions, and tough prison sentences for white
drug dealers, many of whom deal drugs that are directly linked to
serious crime and violence.
Whites unlucky enough to get popped for drug possession are treated with compassion, prayer sessions, expensive psychiatric counseling, treatment and rehab programs, and drug diversion programs. And they should be. But so should those Blacks and other non-whites victimized by discriminatory drug laws.
Whites unlucky enough to get popped for drug possession are treated with compassion, prayer sessions, expensive psychiatric counseling, treatment and rehab programs, and drug diversion programs. And they should be. But so should those Blacks and other non-whites victimized by discriminatory drug laws.
A frank
admission that the drug laws are biased and unfair, and have not done
much to combat the drug plague, would be an admission of failure. It
could ignite a real soul searching over whether all the billions of
dollars that have been squandered in the failed and flawed drug war —
the lives ruined by it, and the families torn apart by the rigid and
unequal enforcement of the laws — has really accomplished anything.
This might call
into question why people use and abuse drugs in the first place — and
if it is really the government’s business to turn the legal screws on
some drug users while turning a blind eye to others?
The greatest
fallout from the nation’s failed drug policy is that it has further
embedded the widespread notion that the drug problem is exclusively a
black problem. This makes it easy for on-the-make politicians to grab
votes, garner press attention, and balloon state prison budgets to jail
more black offenders, while continuing to feed the illusion that we are
winning the drug war.
In an
interview, former Attorney General Eric Holder on that point was blunt,
“There’s been a decimation of certain communities, in particular
communities of color.” This is no accident. The policy deliberately
targeted those communities due to a lethal mix of racism, criminal
justice system profit (someone has got to fill up the cells to justify
building more prisons, hiring and maintaining waves of corrections
officers, and bloating state budgets in the process), political
expediency, and media fed public mania over drug use. This is why Obama
and Holder delicately, but to their credit, publicly inched toward a
rethink of the drug war and who it benefits and who it hurts.
Now it’s time
to go further, much, further, and join states such as Washington and
Colorado that have legalized marijuana use. And states such as
California where voters will decide on legalization in November. But
that’s not enough. The vast sums they spend on enforcement must be
invested in rebuilding communities of color, and that entails the
participation by stakeholders in those communities in spotlighting and
monitoring programs where and how the funds should be spent. The
message: Not more arrests for pot, but more invest!
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