Jeff Sessions hates marijuana. He’s made
that plain in multiple colorful quotes, from stating that “good people
don’t smoke marijuana” to arguing that “we need grown-ups in charge in
Washington to say marijuana is … in fact a very real danger.” But he may
also turn out to be the best thing that’s happened to the marijuana
reform movement in Washington.
For
years, marijuana reform has moved at a snail’s pace in Washington. Even
as more and more states — now 29 — legalized medical marijuana and
increasing numbers legalized adult use of marijuana, Congress held back.
Occasional efforts to remove marijuana from the schedule of controlled
substances have been rejected. And advocates have had to fight every
year to make sure that Congress included an amendment to its
appropriations bills, to protect states that legalized medical marijuana
from federal interference.
In August 2013, on the
heels of the success of marijuana legalization in Washington and
Colorado, reformers achieved a federal coup when Deputy Attorney General
James M. Cole issued guidance to prosecutors limiting the situations in
which they could enforce federal criminal laws on marijuana in states
that had legalized it. That memo created space for other states to
proceed with legalization, and for businesses to begin operating, with
some comfort that people relying on state law would not be prosecuted
under federal law so long as their activities fell outside certain
federal priorities.
But
in January, Sessions rescinded the Cole memo. Perhaps he thought that
the decision would chill further reform or spread fear among the
industry.
Instead, his move seems to have
galvanized policymakers. That same month, Vermontannounced that it had
legalized marijuana. Cities like Albuquerque, Savannah, Ga., and Baton
Rouge are decriminalizing it. And now, we’re seeing a sea change in
Washington, in both parties.
In response to
Sessions’ decision, Sen. Cory Gardner, a Republican from Colorado,
threatened to block all Justice Department nominees. Eventually, he said
he extracted from Trump a commitment that the Justice Department
would not interfere with legal marijuana in Colorado, and that Trump
would support legislation to protect states that had legalized medical
and adult use marijuana.
Last
month, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., — historically not
a big proponent of rolling back criminal laws like those on marijuana —
announced that he would be introducing legislation to remove marijuana
from the list of controlled substances, essentially leaving it up to the
states to decide how to handle it.
While this is
not the same, even Sen. Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., is pushing a bill
to legalize industrial hemp. His longtime colleague, former House
Speaker John Boehner, recently made a high-profile entry into the
medical marijuana industry.
And growing numbers of
members of Congress are now sponsoring the Marijuana Justice Act, which
Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., introduced last August. That bill, modeled
after California’s Proposition 64, would not only legalize marijuana,
but also begin to repair the devastation wrought by decades of marijuana
prohibition, allowing those convicted of possession to clear their
records, access to the marijuana market for the communities most harmed
by prohibition, and reinvestment of marijuana taxes in those
communities.
These provisions are particularly
important in light of the ugly reality that law enforcement has
disproportionately targeted black and brown people for marijuana
offenses, making them much more likely to be arrested for marijuana use —
and suffer all the consequences that flow from that — even though
they use marijuana at the same rate as white people.
Sessions
himself seems to have been forced to moderate his rhetoric. In response
to questions about marijuana enforcement at a recent Senate hearing, he
said that his priorities lay elsewhere, and insisted that it was up to
Congress to change the laws.
Of course, Sessions or
some overeager U.S. attorney may still try to go after legal marijuana.
Trump may renege on his commitment to Gardner. Things may still get
worse on federal marijuana policy before they get better.
But
with more than 60% of the U.S. public behind reform, including
majorities among young liberals and conservatives alike, there’s only so
long that the federal government can continue to hold out against
reform. And thanks to Sessions, change may come sooner than we thought.
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