By Editorials
After
many decades of treating as a crime the personal possession and use of a
drug that is a negligible threat to public safety, New York is
awakening to the folly of — and racial disparities widened by — its
approach.
We
are part of this awakening, which is why we welcome the push to
legalize and regulate marijuana. By every honest measure, the substance
has more in common with alcohol and tobacco than it does harder drugs
that are rightly illegal.
Which
is not to say we endorse vaping or toking, or that government should.
Legalization can coexist with stigmatization, especially for young
people, for whom drug use and abuse is disastrous.
But
continuing to turn the punitive gears of the criminal justice system
against 50 people per day in the five boroughs for so much as touching a
drug that countless adults use harmlessly in the privacy of their own
homes does not serve New York.
It
wasn't supposed to be this way. In 1977, New York decriminalized
possession of 25 grams or less of marijuana, making it an infraction
with a $100 fine.
In
the intervening 40 years, hundreds of thousands of people have been
arrested. Police in the five boroughs continue to make some 17,000
arrests annually for pot possession. Though that's down 40% since 2013,
due in large part to a rise in criminal summonses, it's still high.
And
despite the fact that research shows marijuana is used in about equal
numbers by whites, blacks and Latinos, blacks and Latinos make up 86% of
arrestees. Those two groups account for just 51% of the city's overall
population. Even the NYPD's chief of crime control strategies has said
this gulf "should be troubling to anyone."
While
it's true that arrests are often driven by calls to 311 and 911,
analysis by the Daily News this year showed the association to be far
weaker than the city claims.
The
New York Times matched ethnically different neighborhoods with almost
identical complaint levels — and found that the predominantly white and
Asian neighborhoods generally saw orders of magnitude fewer arrests than
the predominantly black and Latino ones.
This
stubborn racial enforcement disparity points to a fundamental question:
why it makes sense to treat marijuana use as a nail to be hit with the
hammer of cuffs, cops and courts, saddling individuals with arrest
records and sometimes, though infrequently, jail time for partaking.
Indeed,
New York already permits medical marijuana, an acknowledgement that
under careful controls, the drug can have therapeutic benefits.
Nine
U.S. states, including Colorado, Massachusetts, California and Alaska,
have fully legalized marijuana for recreational use. New Jersey is
leaning strongly in the same direction.
Where
the drug has been legalized, fears that taking sales out of the black
market and into the open would lead to a surge in violent crime and drug
use have not materialized.
There
are trends worth worrying about, and learning from, such as an apparent
rise in pot-related DWIs. But the sky has not fallen, or even
noticeably darkened, anywhere that marijuana has gone from being a
criminally forbidden substance to a taxed and regulated one.
By
the same token, it is crucial to make clear that legalization advocates
oversell their product with the suggestion it will eliminate stubborn
policing disparities.
No
state that allows small amounts of marijuana to be sold and held for
personal use permits public smoking, which remains anything from a
non-criminal ticket to a criminal misdemeanor.
In
other words, it is properly an offense to be enforced, and that
enforcement may prove racially disparate, following differences in
behavior. So, too, would black-market sales remain against the law.
One
alternative to legalization is decriminalization. Manhattan DA Cy Vance
and Bronx DA Eric Gonzalez call for declining to prosecute pot
possession while keeping it illegal on the books. While tempting, this
could create a patchwork of enforcement whereby the same offense is
treated radically differently across New York jurisdictions.
We've gained little, and lost plenty, in waging this misbegotten war. It's time to try another way.
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